Whither Zimbabwe?

An Article by Hon. David Kilgour, P.C., M.P

December 6, 2001

Hon. David Kilgour, Member of Parliament for Edmonton-Southeast and Secretary of State for Latin America and Africa, led the Canadian delegation to Abuja (Nigeria) and Harare (Zimbabwe) in September and October of 2001.

Zimbabwe and its people find themselves in a very precarious situation; what was once a beacon of hope and prosperity in Africa finds itself dangerously close to economic and political ruin. Reports of politically motivated violence and intimidation abound. The independent press, including foreign reporters, is being harassed. Inflation and unemployment are both above 60%, while foreign exchange reserves and exports disappear. The World Food Program warns that soon over 700,000 Zimbabweans will face severe food shortages. At the centre of the storm: land ownership in Zimbabwe and a sustainable economic future for all its people.

The urgent need for land reform in Zimbabwe is indisputable. Until the early 1990s, in a population of 12.5 million people, approximately 4500 white farmers owned 40% of the agricultural land, about 12 million hectares. These farms employed 300,000 farm workers who, with their families, represent 1.5 million people. Over six million other Zimbabweans are crowded in poverty on “communal areas” of poor soil and little rainfall. Zimbabwe’s independence struggle promised the return of land to Zimbabweans. This promise has yet to be fulfilled. Securing equity, social peace, racial harmony, and economic progress for Zimbabweans in part depends on the execution of efficient and sustainable land redistribution programs. Unfortunately, this has not been the case to date.

In July of 2000, following 20 years of largely ineffective land reform policies, the government of President Robert Mugabe launched its ‘Fast Track Land Reform Program.’ It sought to resettle 162,000 families on five million hectares of privately owned land for the 2001 season. The government later increased its target to 8.3 million hectares, owned by the white commercial farmers and the source of most of Zimbabwe’s agricultural commercial exports. Aside from having patently unattainable objectives, the program proved to be ill-conceived, thereby frustrating all parties involved. In December 2000, Zimbabwe’s own Supreme Court ruled it unconstitutional.

Since then, the situation in Zimbabwe has become increasingly unstable. Land seizures have continued, seriously disrupting agriculture on commercial farms. Violence and intimidation connected to a series of by-elections have been well documented. Supreme Court Justices have been physically threatened by government supporters. The potential for increasing violence and the collapse of the commercial agricultural sector is ever-present.

On September 6th, 2001, at the behest of Nigerian President Olesegun Obasanjo, eight Commonwealth Ministers and the Secretary General of the Commonwealth met in Abuja, Nigeria. The purpose of the meeting was to find a “mutually acceptable solution” to the land issue. It was further understood that discussions would focus on Zimbabwe’s commitment to the Commonwealth principles of respect for the rule of law, human rights and democratic government. The resulting agreement committed Zimbabwe to end farm invasions, take firm action against violence, and restore the rule of law. Great Britain, in turn, agreed to make “significant” funds available for land reform programs provided Zimbabwe met its commitments. The Abuja Agreement, therefore, paved the way for the international community to measure Zimbabwe’s good faith in living up to Commonwealth principles, while offering a financial incentive for Zimbabwe to resolve its land crisis.

The same group reconvened recently in Harare (October 25-27), to verify whether progress had been made. At Canada’s insistence, the Committee visited farms and heard from a wide range of organizations, including civil society, the opposition, and the press. What they told us was very disturbing.

We heard numerous reports of ongoing farm invasions and severe violations of human rights. Since the 1st Commonwealth Ministers’ meeting, new invasions and violence have prevented any agricultural activity on over 700 farms during the planting season. According to the Law Society of Zimbabwe, which represents more than 800 lawyers, “there has been no restoration of a climate of legality.” The Zimbabwe Human Rights NGO Forum provided well-documented evidence that “torture continues to be practised by both State agents and other agents acting with the acquiescence of the State.” The Government of Zimbabwe continuously discounted all such allegations, blaming internal and external opposition forces.

Canada played a leading role in pressing Zimbabwe to respect its Abuja commitments. In the interest of keeping the Abuja process alive, a Communiqué was issued in Harare, representing a compromise among governments represented around the table. It reiterated that the entire land reform process needs to take place in accordance with the laws and constitution of Zimbabwe.

Zimbabwe’s government cannot be allowed to escape stringent international observation. The Committee heard from a range of voices who insisted that the Government has not made an honest effort to end the continuing lawlessness and human rights violations. Others argued that the people who desperately need land, namely Zimbabwe’s landless poor, are not receiving it. Canada has already taken preliminary actions against Zimbabwe: these include cuts to our bilateral aid and limits on export financing and military training. Further steps would require careful coordination with our Commonwealth partners and especially with key African countries who have a stake in this matter.

Land reform in Zimbabwe needs to occur in a legal, transparent, effective, and peaceful manner. Canada has consistently supported a United Nations Development Program (UNDP) proposal, that outlines an orderly, transparent and well-targeted land reform program. In this vein, we fully support a UNDP land assessment mission due in Zimbabwe in early November. Furthermore, we strongly support the deployment of election observers to Zimbabwe both in the run up to, and the holding of, the 2002 presidential elections.

As host of the 2002 G8 Summit, which will deal in substantial part with Africa, Canada will work to ensure that what is going on in Zimbabwe does not go unnoticed. We did so in Abuja; we did so in Harare; and we will continue to do so now.