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Zimbabwe’s Enabler: How Chinese Arms Keep Mugabe in Power
By Brett D. Schaefer and John J. Tkacik, Jr., heritage.org July 16, 2008
For decades, China has been a stalwart ally of Robert Mugabe. This
relationship began in the 1970s, when China armed Mugabe's Zimbabwe
African National Union (ZANU) guerrillas against white rule in Southern
Rhodesia.[1] Subsequently, it
was no surprise when China and Russia vetoed a July 12 United Nations
Security Council resolution to sanction Mugabe and key figures in his
government for their role in unleashing a campaign of violence and
intimidation that forced opposition presidential candidate Morgan
Tsvangarai to withdraw from last month's Zimbabwean run-off election. This
incident is only the most recent example of the detrimental role China
plays in Africa—and elsewhere—as the protector of despots and enabler of
repression. With the 2008 Olympic Games on the horizon, the U.S. should
not ignore what is a clear and dangerous trend.
China and Mugabe: A Dismal Pair
In March, Zimbabwe held presidential and parliamentary elections.
Opposition candidates won a majority of parliamentary seats, and
opposition candidate Morgan Tsvangirai of the Movement for Democratic
Change won a plurality of votes, thus forcing a run-off election for
president against Mugabe. The results of the March election were shocking
blows to Mugabe and his Zimbabwe African National Union-Patriotic Front
(ZANU-PF) supporters.
Determined to win the run-off election, Mugabe and the ZANU-PF launched
a three-month campaign of intimidation that saw over 100 opposition
supporters killed, thousands injured, and widespread destruction of
property. As a result of this violence, Tsvangirai withdraw from the
election. Without an opponent and continuing to intimidate voters, Mugabe
won the June 27 run-off election with over 85 percent of the vote.
China, it seems, may have played a major role in Mugabe's decision to
hold onto power. According to The Washington Post, when Mugabe lost
re-election on March 29, he believed he was defeated. But when he told his
top security officials that he planned to step down, Zimbabwe's army chief
General Constantine Chiwenga insisted that he would conduct a
"military-style campaign against the opposition" that would ensure Mugabe
remained in power.[2]
In order to conduct such a "campaign," the Zimbabwean military needed
to ensure that its stocks of weapons and ammunition were sustainable.
Considerable circumstantial evidence indicates that Mugabe and Chiwenga
turned to China for precisely such a campaign donation.
Such assistance would hardly be unprecedented; China has a long history
of supporting Mugabe. For instance, according to George Washington
University scholar David Shinn, China began selling J-7 fighter jets and
radar to Zimbabwe in 1989. As recently as 2005, Zimbabwe's air force
received six K-8 jet trainers from China as well as shortwave radio
jamming equipment, which Mugabe uses to disrupt Voice of America
broadcasts.[3]In return for
the weapons necessary to sustain Mugabe's violent regime, Shinn notes that
Zimbabwe reportedly promised China "access to its mineral wealth."[4]
Just a Phone Call Away
Thus, when Zimbabwe called for help, Chinese assistance arrived in
short order. On April 16, several sources reported uniformed Chinese
military personnel, wearing side arms, had arrived in the city of Mutare,
a stronghold of support for Morgan Tsvangirai.[5] These reports also noted that the Chinese were
accompanied by 70 senior Zimbabwean army officers. That same day, a
Chinese arms ship, the An Yue Jiang, attempted to offload a large
cargo of small arms and ammunition for the Zimbabwe military at the South
African port of Durban,[6] but
the ship was boycotted by South African longshoremen and subsequently
forced to seek a friendlier port.[7]
Eight days later, with the An Yue Jiang still unable to offload
its cargo, the Chinese foreign ministry spokesperson announced that the
Chinese shipper (China Ocean Shipping Company—COSCO) "has decided to
recall the ship."[8] However,
by April 27, Jane's Defense Weekly had reported the An Yue
Jiang had docked at Luanda, Angola.[9] Finally, on May 6, Zimbabwe's information minister
declared that the Chinese arms shipment was already in Zimbabwe.[10]
Yet, roughly three weeks later, on May 26, a Chinese foreign ministry
spokesman termed such reports a "groundless fabrication" and insisted that
the "relevant military goods will be shipped back with the ‘An Yue
Jiang' which is now on its way home."[11] And a month after that, the foreign ministry would
only confirm that "the An Yue Jiang has already returned to China,"
without mentioning the ultimate disposition of its cargo.[12]
Nonetheless, on June 5, Deputy Assistant Secretary of State Thomas
Christensen told the Senate that "it's our understanding that that
shipment of arms sales—that shipment of arms, which is over $1 million, we
believe, in arms—was sent back to China." Although Christensen attributed
the recall as a response to concerns voiced by the international
community, the U.S. government has been unable to verify the Chinese
foreign ministry's statement that the cargo had, in fact, returned to
China with the An Yue Jiang.
Regardless of whether the An Yue Jiang shipment arrived in
Zimbabwe, one crucial fact remains undeniable: Robert Mugabe's
Chinese-armed military machine was responsible for the tsunami of violence
that engulfed the run-off presidential election "campaign."
As a result of the electoral violence, the United States and the
European Union urged that the balloting be postponed. The Chinese
government, however, declared its hope "for a smooth completion of the
work of the presidential election, and the restoration of the country's
stability and development as soon as possible (jin kuai)."[13] Clearly, the Chinese
government's intention was to get the Zimbabwe voting over quickly—and
Mugabe re-elected—intending that controversy would dissipate by the
opening of the Beijing Olympics.
Despite a boycott by the opposition, the "run-off" election was held on
June 27 and, of course, Mugabe won with over 85 percent of the vote. The
U.S., Europe and most of the African Union countries declared Mugabe's win
illegitimate. But not China. Indeed, by July 12, China—along with
Russia—had vetoed a U.N. Security Council draft resolution on Zimbabwe,
claiming that an African Union "mediation effort" had not had "enough
time." The Washington Times reported that an emboldened Mugabe now
plans new "elections" to reverse the majority in parliament that
Tsvangirai's party won in March.[14]
A Final Option
China's status as a major economic power renders it impervious to any
trade, financial or economic sanctions the United States could possibly
inflict upon it. In fact, such sanctions would constitute "mutual assured
economic destruction." But there is no need for the world's democracies to
avert their eyes and pretend that China is, somehow, a "responsible
stakeholder" in the international effort to protect human rights.
As such, the United States has very few diplomatic tools capable of
inducing China to restrain its over-enthusiastic support for dictatorship
and repression around the world. The President could have used ambiguity
regarding his attendance at the Olympic opening ceremony to good advantage
three months ago in the aftermath of the tragedy in Tibet. By failing to
do so, he has virtually assured a self-fulfilling prophecy: Cancelling his
attendance will indeed insult his hosts.
But the damage the President will do to American principles by
attending a full-throated celebration of China's power—unleavened with
justice or mercy—is worse than a breach of diplomatic protocol. The
President suddenly discovering that he has other business to attend to in
Washington can still send a message to China's communist leaders, to the
Chinese people, and to our friends around the world that America still
stands for the principles of liberty and freedom. Such an announcement is
the only option the President has left.
Brett D. Schaefer is
Jay Kingham Fellow in International Regulatory Affairs in the Margaret
Thatcher Center for Freedom, a division of the Kathryn and Shelby Cullom
Davis Institute for International Studies, and John J. Tkacik, Jr., is Senior
Research Fellow in China, Taiwan, and Mongolia Policy in the Asian Studies
Center at The Heritage Foundation.
[1]
For some history of China's involvement in Zimbabwe, see also
Abraham McLaughlin, "A rising China counters US clout in Africa, Trade
drives political role ahead of Zimbabwe's election," The Christian
Science Monitor, March 30, 2005, at http://www.csmonitor.com/2005/0330/p01s01-woaf.html
(July 16, 2008).
[6]
A total of six containers weighing 77 tons on the Chinese
vessel An Yue Jiang reportedly contained 3 million rounds of
ammunition for AK-47 rifles, 1,500 rocket propelled grenades, and 3,500
mortar bombs, according to Russell Hsiao, "Chinese Soliders and Arms
Exports Embroiled in Zimbabwe's Electoral Impasse," Jamestown Foundation
China Brief, April 29, 2008, at http://www.jamestown.org/china_brief/article.php?articleid=2374129
(July 16, 2008).
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